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Author Index of CESS Conference Abstracts
Note: The abstracts below are listed under the first author -- for information on co-authors when there is more than one author, see the Conference Program.
University of Chicago; d-akanovauchicago.edu
This paper analyses state-sponsored language planning activities since 1991 and their impact on actual language use in Kazakhstan. The current language planning in Kazakhstan is aimed at establishing Kazakh as the state language of a newly independent state. It plans the following: restoring and expanding functions of Kazakh as a language of government, science, media and education (status planning); developing Kazakh for its new functions (corpus planning); reversing language shift among urban Kazakhs; and acquisition of Kazakh by other nationalities (acquisition planning). The ultimate goal of the policy is to attain a new societal bilingualism, with Kazakh given a higher status than Russian. The authors argue that there has been made a considerable, albeit slow, progress in activation of Kazakh in such institutional spheres as government, education, publishing, science, and mass media. The re-establishing of Kazakh as home and community language has posed the most problems, and so far little was achieved at securing intergenerational transmission of Kazakh. Language shift is continuing, but there are some indicators that the process has slowed down. The paper also identifies factors facilitating or hindering language planning efforts. This work is based on analysis of current research on the topic, as well as on our observations.
Middle East Technical University, Ankara; akcalimetu.edu.tr
Since 1991, consolidation of democracy has emerged as an important part of Central Asia's post-Soviet transition. All of the five Central Asian countries had to find effective ways of dealing with new social demands and alternative political movements and groups. In general, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, at least initially, were relatively more democratic and had a tolerant attitude towards the opposition. Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, however, were much closer to the Soviet-style authoritarianism, and Tajikistan drifted away to a civil war. Despite such differences however, the leaders of these five countries had one basic priority: providing political stability, not only within their own borders but also in the region as well. This priority, however, would result in a two-fold dilemma for Central Asia: on the one hand, to consolidate democracy could mean risking political instability. On the other hand, refusal to realize political reforms would mean increasing social and political dissatisfaction, resulting in the loss of political stability in the long run. In order to understand better this two-fold dilemma, international, economic, political, and social factors that endanger the balance between democracy and political stability in Central Asia will be analyzed.
Osh State University; akjyldyzmail.ru
This paper focuses on the evaluation of privatization in Kyrgyzstan from 1991-2000, including the comparison experience of privatization in countries of Latin America (Argentina and Chile), Great Britain and the countries of Eastern Europe (Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary). These countries' positive experience have brought success in implementing economic reforms. Analysis of privatization in Kyrgyzstan has shown the achievement in destroying the state monopoly in retail and services, introducing competition, eliminating centralized economic controls, and restructuring and moving to a free market economic growth. It did not bring decisive changes in ownership within the Kyrgyz economy. This research enables the author to make the following conclusions: Kyrgyzstan needs 1) local worker ownership of privatized enterprises, 2) improved corporate governance and elimination of corruption, 3) rule of law and culture of honesty, 4) access to appropriate and sustainable technology, and 5) developed infrastructure. These changes will allow the country to create favorable conditions to attract foreign investments and encourage a greater degree of entrepreneurship. This paper is based on published materials in the library of US Congress, the library of the EDI of the World Bank and data from the National Statistics Committee of the Kyrgyz Republic.
Princeton University; sadaprinceton.edu
This paper discusses the interaction between US donors and local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in Bishkek. It draws on in-depth interviews with representatives of donor and recipient organizations, observations of donor-supported activities, and donor and NGO publications. While the existing literature on US democracy promotion in post-Soviet countries centers almost exclusively on donor intentions and actions, focus is shifted to reception, and it explores how it shapes the donor-recipient interaction. Civil society assistance of the past decade has largely involved institutional support and capacity-building for the post-Soviet NGO sector and has been premised on an assumption that once there is an organizational infrastructure in place that is modeled after the American third sector, democratic content will be fostered. It will then flow to society at large from there. Even if recipient organizations are often donor creations, they are actively involved in producing content: they perform interpretive labor to indigenize donors' ideas and they implement donor programs through local practices. Within the donor-supported organizational infrastructure, donors and recipients are engaged in constant translation and negotiation, processes influenced by trust or mistrust and formal or informal social networks.
Boston University, School of Public Health; fuadbu.edu
In 1999 the Government of Uzbekistan began to implement a comprehensive rural primary health care reform program. The goal of the program was to increase the rural population's access to basic primary health care services. In order to evaluate the impact of the reform program on access to basic services, a community-based health care utilization survey was implemented in 2000 and is being repeated in the same communities in 2003. The results of the baseline survey were not immediately accepted by local health officials, because community responses varied widely from official statistics on utilization and out-of-pocket payments. In addition, the results showed that utilization of health care and perceived quality of care are significantly lower in the lowest income quintiles, while financial barriers to care are significantly greater among these groups. In the three-year period, the value of community-based surveys for health policy analysis and evaluation has become accepted by local health officials, and the results of the follow-up survey and evaluation are contributing to the process of improving reform implementation.
Center for National and International Studies, Baku; leilaliaol.com
The influence of the new security concerns, caused by the 9/11 events, and fight against terrorism in the Caucasus has been two-fold. On the one hand, it meant the increased importance of the region for the US along with the strengthened strategic partnership with Georgia and Azerbaijan. It also meant the dialogue and cooperation at certain levels between the great powers -- the US and Russia -- whose influence on the regional security is crucial. On the other hand, the declared war on terrorism led to instability in the region caused by the Russia's attempt to fight terrorism in Chechnya, while the increased military presence of the US in the region caused concern in Iran and Russia's competitive behavior in the Caucasus. Expansion of the US influence in the Caucasus while increasing countries' defense capacity, might positively affect stability in the region only in case of its consistency in the conflict resolution efforts. The paper explores the effect, which the war on terrorism has on the major security concerns in the region, including stability and conflict resolution, energy, pipelines and the Caspian sea, as well as prospects of cooperation in the region. The paper also shows the effect of the strategic partnerships at the official level on the domestic developments in the states of the region.
Independent Scholar (Tashkent); adinarafreenet.uz
This paper focuses on the gender aspects of Uzbekistan's economy. The history of Central Asian women's participation in economic life was under the influence of the socio-economic changes in the region. In the pre-Soviet period, Uzbek women led an isolated way of life. Under the limitations placed on women's activities by Islam, women were not allowed to be in factories or outside of home production. During the Soviet period, women's lives changed under the policy of women's emancipation, which was implemented with a different impact on women. Each period was identified by specific interpretations of women's role in economy. Since Independence was proclaimed in 1991, the Government has undertaken several policies to improve women's status, to enhance their role in society and to achieve gender equality. However, gender issues still remain as "added on" or are treated as a secondary issue to the main problems of development. This paper is based on the research "Gender aspects of participation of citizens in economic and political life in Uzbekistan" (2003). It includes a comparative analysis of existing statistics on women's empowerment in Uzbekistan and on qualitative survey, related to the study of employment preferences of employers, cases of gender discrimination and professional segregation.
University of Oxford; rallisonriia.org
This paper will explore the varied efforts to develop multilateral cooperation in the field of defense and security between the five CIS Central Asian states. The emphasis will be on the limited development of multilateral cooperation on an exclusive basis between these countries, despite formal pronouncements and political rhetoric on the matter by local governments and a variety of foreign powers and international institutions. The paper will evaluate plans for joint defense activities through a wide variety of multilateral consultative forums, structures and frameworks for cooperation -- the Central Asian Economic Community, the Central Asian Cooperation Organization, the Central Asian Nuclear Weapons Free Zone, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The potential role of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council will be noted. The paper will conclude that the record is not encouraging for achieving an effective and sustainable system for such multilateral defense cooperation in Central Asia. The states concerned have tended to place more emphasis on forming their bilateral relationships, on seeking benefits from band-wagoning with influential powers, and on bolstering regime security rather than security as a public good. This reflects various serious systemic and political constraints on regionalism and genuine multilateralism in this part of the world that are unlikely to be overcome in the medium term.
Independent Scholar (Cambridge, Mass.); ainash_alpeissovapost.harvard.edu
Bilateral Tax Treaties for the avoidance of double taxation on income and capital play an important role in the tax system of every country around the world. The adoption of these treaties became a key element of Kazakhstani development in terms of encouragement of foreign investment and international exchange. This paper points out general problems of Tax Administrations in implementation of Bilateral Tax Treaties in Kazakhstan and attempts to recommend the ways to solve current obstacles in providing an effective and efficient system. It argues that Kazakhstani Tax Agency has a complex and lengthy procedure for the Administration of Bilateral Tax Treaties, which prevents the use of these Treaties by foreign persons in Kazakhstan and impede the development of international trade and exchange. This paper is based on the primary sources of Kazakhstan Tax Administration and materials published by this Government Agency as well as publications of International Organizations, such as OECD and IMF.
University of Massachusetts-Amherst; altstadthistory.umass.edu
Shortly after the establishment of a Soviet government in Azerbaijan in April 1920, plans for reshaping schools were set in place. The basic policies were borrowed from Soviet Russia and its Commissariat of Enlightenment, but the Azerbaijani leadership had to adjust many features to conform to local conditions. Moreover, key figures in the Azerbaijani government and party (such as Nariman Narimanov, but others as well) had been major activists in the indigenous pre-war cultural modernization movement. Because of their commitment to modernization and education reform, they began the soviet era by carrying out their own visions of a reformed education system. It was only with their removal from power in Baku, during 1922, that Moscow's agenda began to shape education. This paper will describe the native communists' plans for education reform, their own stated goals for the Soviet Azerbaijani society, and then the shifts enacted after their removal from the scene. The topic is taken from one chapter of an in-progress book on Culture Wars in Soviet Azerbaijan, 1920-1940.
Istanbul Kultur University; v.anastassoviku.edu.tr
In formerly totalitarian Bulgaria has maintained a policy opposed to the admission of Turkish elements into the Bulgarian language system, based on a linguistic approach towards its authenticity as a national language. This paper assumes that the history of the Bulgarian language reflects influences coming from different ethnic sources. As a result it has become a mixture of own and alien words. What makes it unique is its morpho-syntactic structure, in which foreign lexical elements are adapted. Bulgarian could be, from a linguistic point of view, enriched by the penetration of alien lexical elements as they become part of its own system. In general, its uniqueness is not endangered because the different languages which speech communities use can co-exist without any damage to the specific character of each of them. It is possible to speak of a nation without the necessity of a national language referring to it.
University of St. Andrews; jpast-and.ac.uk
This paper will explore the contrasting ways in which two of the Central Asian states, Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan, have handled the issue of religious pluralism. Based upon older archival research, it will briefly note the shifts in policy from the late Soviet period to the first years of independence. Then it will move on to the experience of the last ten years. Here the focus will be on emerging regulatory regimes, both in theory and practice, and on public attitudes towards religious pluralism, though here, as might be expected, the evidence is rather poorer for Turkmenistan than Kyrgyzstan). The paper concludes by relating the question of religious pluralism to wider concerns about the possibilities of liberalization in Central Asia.
Vanderbilt University; kathryn.andersonvanderbilt.edu
(see Program for information about co-authors)
Labor mobility, which has been small within the region, has not reduced spatial inequality to any great extent. Examination of household survey data on expenditures from four countries allows estimation of a human capital model to explain per capita expenditures by location of the household and other variables. Parts of the Ferghana Valley are compared. Regional variation in expenditures is large, going beyond the rural-urban distinction. Service distribution is unequal in all the countries except Kazakstan. Policy implications are provided.
International Institute for Strategic Studies, London; antonenkoiiss.org
This paper examines European and US policies towards Central Asia and identifies many differences which have emerged over the course of the past decade. The analysis looks at three periods of crisis: 1990s, post 9/11 and post Iraq. The paper argues that European and US policies are increasingly divergent both in their objectives and strategies. This difference is particularly evident in the context of recent transatlantic disputes over Iraq. While European policies, represented both by the EU and by its individual member states, are seeking to promote domestic reform agenda and regional integration, US policies are focusing on security issues and bi-lateral relations leading to greater rivalry among key regional players. The paper concludes that existence of transatlantic differences has a negative impact on stability in Central Asia, as well as on the ability of external actors to apply effective leverage to promote domestic reforms. The paper is based on interviews and examination of various policy documents produced by US, EU and European states.
London School of Economics and Political Science; n.armanilse.ac.uk
This paper is an in-depth content analysis, from a sociological perspective, of Sergei Paradjanov's film The Color of Pomegranates (Armenia -1969) depicting and tabulating the various elements reflecting the Armenian National Identity in it. Armenian Cinema had its institutional beginnings and its prime during its lifetime as a Soviet State. However, despite a strict Soviet organizational structure with distinct guidelines for subject matter and treatment, the Armenian National identity was clearly reflected in this art form. The rich harvest of the 1965-1975 period yielded a number of film makers who were able to treat socially relevant topics about their times while respecting the "Leninist Proportion of 75% to 25%" of entertainment to propaganda. Paradjanov's film, although quite unique in form, is an example of Armenian Cinema of that period. The methodology of content analysis used here is based on Shapiro and Markoff's methodology as described in "Revolutionary Demands-A Content Analysis of the Cahiers de Doléances of 1798". The findings are supplemented by the relevant contemporary critical matters related to the film, and the reasons for it being banned and eventually being released in a re-edited version. These findings throw some light on the operation of the Soviet System in the domain of cinema in the Republics.
Independent Scholar (Toronto); jaziraaaol.com
This paper explores the relationship between the state and literary production in post-independence Kazakhstan. During seventy years under the Soviet rule, principles of Socialist Realism guided the literary production in Kazakhstan. Socialist Realism, the basic starting point of Soviet literature and literary criticism, dictated that artistic representation of reality combines with the task of achieving ideological change. Writers of the Soviet era have been accorded significant cultural weight as "the engineers of the human soul" and "the megaphone of the epoch" as they subordinated the aesthetic to the ideological objectives of Marxism-Leninism. In post-independence years, Kazakh writers may not carry the same literary and moral authority in a society as they did during the Communist regime, but their participation in the process of narrating and constructing national identity has been an important part of the government's nation-building efforts. The paper argues that there are Kazakh writers who defend and promote the government's vision of a society in their literary works. Of interest are mechanisms the government uses to mobilize and promote literature that circulates its messages. To that end, printed literary works of contemporary Kazakh writers and poets, as well as official documents pertaining to national literature are analyzed.
Tashkent State Education Institute; nfizmatnarod.ru
Upon coming to power in Russia in October of 1917, the Bolsheviks pursued a policy of "divide and rule" in the remote national areas of the former Russian Empire and annihilated the opposition leaders as enemies of the nation. Such policy wiped out the idea of creation of an indivisible Turkic state in the Central Asian region. Turkic autonomy was promoted by the Turkic national patriots, who were considered "pan-Turkists" in Soviet ideology, and were considered an obstacle to Soviet nationality policy which promoted a concept of the "national autochthonism." This attached all Turkic-speaking peoples genetically to the territories of their present residence and justified the separation of the history of each nation and partitioning the overall regional historical processes into "national streams." This paper examines the question of which concept is consistent to the historical reality on the origin of the Central Asian Turkic ethnos? In the light of current geopolitical situation in Central Asia, the author supports the concept "national autochthonism" in his research on the ethnogenesis and ethnic history of the Uzbek nation. The author traces the development of principal stages of formation of the Uzbek population and nation by presenting data from various fields of the humanities.
Middlesex University, London; t.aybakmdx.ac.uk
Since the end of the Cold War, Russian and Turkish relations have been operating in a new geopolitical context and are affected by new global and regional circumstances. While they have ceased to be immediate neighbors, new areas for cooperation, as well competition, between these two key regional powers have emerged. As the prospect of full membership of the EU for Turkey becomes increasingly problematic after the Copenhagen Summit of 2003, Turkey's political class are in search of new regional alternatives. In this context, the Black Sea regional cooperation between Russia and Turkey is an under-investigated area that is worth further exploration. While geopolitical rivalry and pragmatic realism still dominate the foreign policy discourses, the dynamics of globalization offer them new alternatives in regional cooperation. In the beginning of the twenty-first century, both countries seem to be moving towards, and operating in an environment of regional complex interdependence, with new issues and actors to inform a new agenda. The aim of this paper is to look at these new potential directions by making use of the foreign policy discourses as well as the increasing regional interdependence in economic, energy and environmental issues between the two key Black Sea powers.
Middle East Technical University, Ankara; aydingunmetu.edu.tr
This paper studies the ethnic identity formation and change of the Crimean Tatars, an ethnically heterogeneous group deported by Stalin from Crimea to Central Asia in 1944. The paper focuses also on the Crimean Tatars' cultural revival following their mass return to their homeland beginning in 1989. The interaction of the Crimean Tatars with other ethnic groups both in Central Asia during the deportation years and in the Crimea following the return to the homeland, will be analyzed together with the impact of this interaction on the Crimean Tatar ethnic identity and culture. A constructionist approach will be adopted. Thus special attention will be accorded to the shaping of ethnic identity through interaction with different cultures and state policies. Focusing on the relationship between culture and ethnic identity, it will argue that culture provides the necessary material that will permit the survival of ethnic identity. This paper is based on the fieldwork carried out in the Crimea in 2001 and 2002. During the fieldwork, 100 in-depth interviews are conducted with Crimean Tatars, Ukrainians and Russians.
Reed College; gulsat.aygenreed.edu
This paper aims to provide substantial evidence from Central Asian Turkic languages overlooked by theoretical linguists to argue that the clausal architecture of human languages can be best understood by the unique perspective these languages present. Contrary to the standard assumptions, the paper will argue that Turkic languages (Turkish, Tuvan, and Kazakh) provide evidence indicating that it is clause external rather than clause internal agreement features that license Genitive case on the subject of relative clauses cross-linguistically, and that clausal agreement is a manifestation of Mood. The predictions of this analysis shed light on the linguistic-puzzle pertaining to subject-verb agreement observed in Dagur, European Portuguese, Italian and Modern Turkish, among others. The core theoretical claim questioned is the exclusively [+Tense] oriented theory of case-licensing that serves as a parameter for languages according to the feature on T, i.e., [+tense] or [+phi features/Agreement]. The major theoretical implication of this study is the un-coupling case and agreement. This analysis alters the current perception of inflectional categories in human languages. The linguistic data of the proposed analysis are taken from primary sources and the author's fieldwork and language studies in Novosibirsk and Tuva.
London School of Economics and Political Science; b.v.babajanianlse.ac.uk
One of the most challenging questions in the post-Soviet transition is how to promote participation of citizens and local communities in their own political, economic and social development. The solution to strengthening civil society in post-Soviet countries has been seen by development agencies in "decentralization and participation" schemes. This approach assumes that the existing cultural and social norms (the "Soviet mentality") that constrain civic participation can be changed through bottom-up capacity building initiatives. This paper argues that bottom-up models of capacity building may not be effective to bring about institutional change at the local level within the specific context of transition. The paper maintains that the nature of local level institutions in Armenia is largely influenced by the history and patterns of their interaction with the formal institutions of the society. Changes in the nature of local level institutions require modifications in the patterns of governance and institutional norms at the macro level. The paper is based on the findings of the fieldwork that was carried out in thirty rural communities in Armenia in 2001-2002.
Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology, Russian Academy of Sciences,
Moscow; cipddiea.ras.ru
The North Caucasus was the region where there was penetration of two of the main world religions: Islam and Christianity. Islam came from Iran and the Ottoman empire. Christianity came from Georgia and Russia. This paper will describe the main aspects of the religious policy of the Russian Empire, Soviet administration and post-Soviet authorities. The North Caucasus was the place where a serious struggle between Russia and the Ottoman Empires occurred. Religion was one of the main elements of this struggle. The Soviet administration tried to restrict all kinds of religious life in the North Caucasus. Now there is a new period of religious development in this region. An Islamic and Orthodox revival can be observed. The modern administration tries to support only the orthodox church, but not the mosques. This paper will consider the reasons of this religious situation, including the political factor.
International Peace Research Institute (PRIO), Oslo; pavelprio.no
The second Gulf war has caused a refocusing of US and international attention southwards from the Caspian area. But both the fundamental instability across this region and its vast energy reserves would already, in the near future, determine a new round of political initiatives. Russia, while unable to play much of a constructive role in the Gulf, remains a key power in both the Central Asia and the Caucasus. The latter, in particular, continues to generate serious challenges to Russia's security interests. There is a consistent line in Moscow to integrate the forceful protection of its security interests with an aggressive advancement of its energy interests. This line, however, has not so far been translated into a consistent strategy, so a possible escalation of any of the dormant conflicts in the region could find Russia unprepared.
UNDP Kazakhstan, Almaty; leilabmail.fulbrightweb.org
This paper focuses on the comparative analysis of the different approaches to the creation of a system of human rights protection and its promotion in different developed countries. This system includes the creation of civil society and improvement of the whole system of human rights protection and promotion, particularly in the countries within the transitional period, like Kazakhstan. This paper tries to analyze the major constraints and problems in human rights field which Kazakhstan is facing on its way to democratic reforms. It stems from five years experience facilitating the protection and promotion of human rights in Kazakhstan. It argues that within the process of social, economic and political reforms that have been taken place in Kazakhstan after achievement of independence the country is paying serious attention to the creation of functioning international treaties and national human rights institutions. The specific feature of the human rights promotion in Kazakhstan is rather a problem of overcoming social neglect and reluctance created by former paternalistic state. It includes the need of citizens to be aware of protecting their own rights. The paper is based on the published materials and on personal research materials.
Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna; balabanoihs.ac.at
During the period January-May 2003, the author conducted a multitude of interviews within the scientific community of Kazakh-, Kyrgyz- and Uzbekistan. The reason was the project preparation for two major EU scientific cooperation programs: TEMPUS -- with universities and INTAS -- with the general scientific community. The statements and the conclusions of this paper are based on around 150 personal interviews conducted during the information campaigns and project preparation sessions. The criteria of interest were: the entrepreneurship, the openness to new ideas, and the willingness to change the corrupt practices within the universities. Some of the preliminary conclusions are that many still expect somebody else, i.e., their Russian colleagues, to take the leadership in the join scientific projects, but with the inflow of western educated experts the entrepreneurial spirit is on the rise. In respect to the universities, it seems that some more time and effort will be needed before convincing them to implement the European credit accreditation system and the respective evaluation criteria. But, to increase the mobility of researchers, the local diploma should be in compliance with western practices.
Institut Français d'Etudes Anatoliennes (IFEA), Istanbul;
bayram.balcisuperonline.com
This paper focuses on the development between 1991 and 2003 of Turkish missionary schools (belonging to the neo-Nurju leader Fethullah Gulen) in the Caucasus and Central Asia, especially in the Turkic Republics of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kirghizstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan where the author regularly conducts field research since 1996. There are 16 high schools in Azerbaijan, 31 in Kazakhstan, 11 in Kirghizstan, 16 in Uzbekistan and 15 in Turkmenistan, with approximately 18,000 pupils and 1,500 teachers. The author argues that these high schools, which are not controlled by the Turkish government but by numerous private companies, are the best guarantees for: 1) spreading Turkish cultural (and probably economic and political) influence in Central Asia and the Caucasus, 2) the development of a moderate and tolerant Islamic philosophy in the former Soviet Union, and 3) the making of new elites and the social change in this area. The author will present this research by comparing this missionary action of Gulen with the Turkish official policy in the same area. This paper is based on the author's field research and his book released in France.
Boston University; barfieldbu.edu
This paper examines how the current structure of regional power in Afghanistan resembles the country's mid-19th century political organization, and the implications of this for rebuilding a centralized national government today.
University of South Florida; barylskisar.usf.edu
This essay is about competing national histories and their implications for the distribution of economic and political power between Russians of Slavic-Christian and Turkic-Islamic heritage. The republic of Tatarstan's drive for maximum autonomy within the Russian Federation has a definite history writing and teaching component. So does the federal government in Moscow which promotes Russian federal political integration and centralization. This essay analyzes and evaluates the new historical debate prompted by the Tatar national renaissance's drive to establish and teach new Tatar histories. It is a remarkable story about national cultural revival with great political significance for the future of the Russian Federation. It begins with a brief discussion of the traditional debate between Westernizers and Slavophiles. Then it describes five different types of Eurasianism arranged along a spectrum defined by Slavic-Christian and Turkic-Muslim Eurasianism. Next, it applies these definitions to contemporary politics with particular emphasis upon Russia's federal government and Tatarstan. This is followed by five thematic sections focusing on the new Tatar national histories and their direct relevance to the Republic of Tatarstan's efforts to reclaim and defend national sovereignty. The essay's conclusion summarizes the findings and provides an overall evaluation of the new historiography's scientific and political value.
Kazakhstan Institute of Management, Economics and Strategic Research
under the President of Kazakhstan (KIMEP), Almaty; bmrgkimep.kz
The success of the transition process in Kazakhstan depends on how quickly the country will recover from the collapse of the Soviet Union, which caused a deep economic crisis. This recovery depends on how wisely the government will use the country's natural resources, especially petroleum. The challenge is to find a balance between getting the country's natural resources developed, but escape the "Dutch disease"; and between providing a comfortable investment climate and not selling the non-renewable resources for "peanuts". The research is aimed at developing an "environmental model" of factors influencing the value of Contractor Take (CT) in emerging countries (with a particular reference to Kazakhstan), generating hypotheses and then testing them on focus groups of petroleum experts in the International Energy Agency (IEA), petroleum companies operating in Kazakhstan and governmental agencies. The findings allow us to provide recommendations to the government on how to make Kazakhstan more competitive among other emerging countries, especially in the light of recent offshore oil discoveries in the Caspian Sea.
Kazakh Parliament; battalovakub.kz
From the disbandment of the two parliaments to the adoption of the new Constitution that gave an unlimited power to presidency, this paper describes the decade-long process of degradation of parliamentarism in Kazakhstan. The author critisizes the concept of "stability through concentration of power" and argues that the real key to stability in this vast, resource-reach country that suffers from wide-spread corruption and mismanagement is the involvement of the civil society through establishing a strong parliamentarian democracy. This paper summarizes the author's experience as Senator of the Kazakh Parliament and is based on state documents, legislative acts, and public debates.
Miami University; berdiednmuohio.edu
The focus of this paper is the migration patterns that have developed in Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) after the collapse of the Soviet Union. It argues that the migration that the countries experienced in the last decade have both positive and negative effects for the region. Positive aspects include the development of migration laws in each of the countries as well as the free movement of labor, whereas the negative aspects deal with illegal migration and population displacement. It uses statistics on regular and irregular migration that have been compiled by the Central Asian countries as well as international organizations such as the International Organization for Migration, the International Labor Organization, and the United Nations Fund for Population Activities. These illustrate and explain the existing patterns of migration in the countries of Central Asia and the consequences of migration for the region. This paper also draws widely on material published in both English and Russian.
University of Bradford; e.beshimovbradford.ac.uk
This paper aims to examine the concept of "social morality" in the context of post-Soviet transition with particular emphasis on Central Asia. There is a prevailing belief in societies throughout the region that in the past decade there has been a significant decrease in the overall level of "social morality" and a sharp rise of the more "predatory" norms in society. This belief is very widespread and is often reflected in literature, media and the day-to-day perceptions. The paper argues that it is important to begin understanding this phenomenon. Democracy is a broadly promoted concept, and it is important to examine the relationship between the system of "social morality" and the effectiveness of democratic participation. Without a widely accepted well-functioning system of "social morality" democracy is unattainable. The paper will also outline the ways in which NGOs could contribute to addressing this phenomenon. It will be based on the recent sociological data from the region and the body of theory around the concept of "social morality" and its relationship to democracy.
Des Moines Area Community College; gkbeynendmacc.edu
While King Rostevan's hunt comes first in the text of Rustaveli's poem, the chronologically oldest event in the poem is King Saridan's decision to give up his Indian kingdom to the ruler over the remaining Indian kingdoms. Or: the siuzhet of the poem begins with a hunt while the fabula begins with a king giving away the "family store": his family's source of income. This seemingly foolhardy gesture is seen against a background of other seemingly incomprehensible actions, and interpreted as an investigation of the establishing of human relations. Every human relation is based on a mutual sacrifice, the paper argues that the poem proposes, and therefore every human relationship is based on, making oneself vulnerable. Rustaveli's poem explores the limits of this vulnerability, beginning with the vulnerability of hospitality, which in Georgia is the primary human relationship. Love, which is generally supposed to be the subject of the poem, is in reality only one of the various relationships that form the subject of the poem.
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem; biranmh2.hum.huji.ac.il
The current war in Iraq brought Mongol attack on Baghdad to the fore, but while Saddam Hussein treats Chinggis Khan and his heirs as the sum of all evil, medieval and early modern Muslim historiography retained a much more complex and balanced view of the great conqueror. This was certainly affected by the fact that after the islamization of his descendants, Chinggis Khan became the revered father and the source of political legitimacy to many Muslim dynasties, especially in Central Asia. Based on primary sources in Arabic, Persian and Turkic, this paper offers an overview of the various images of Chinggis Khan in different geographical regions and political entities of the Muslim world both in its Arabic, and its Turco-Mongol spheres from the 13th century onward. It follows the shift the image of Chinggis Khan between the competing images of the arch-enemy of Islam on the one hand and the creator of political culture on the other. It traces the evolvement of his biography and legacy, including the famous Yasa, according to different political needs, and it seeks to explain how the great Central Asian conqueror was remembered by his descendants and those of his former subjects and enemies from Moghul India to Mamluk and Ottoman Egypt.
The American University in Cairo; bishopaucegypt.edu
Territorial and linguistic unity, central to the modern nation-state ideals, raises as many questions as it does answers when considering Caucasian readers. The Caucasus' most advanced economy, the area of the Islamic Russian Empire with the greatest claims on modernity, developed an extra-territorial political identity that rubs against the grain concerning ideas about contiguous, linguistically homogeneous nation-states. Russian imperial "official nationalism" imposed censors' restrictions on the Empire's Turkic press, which would be lifted following the 1905 disturbances. This date marked a burst of Turkic- and Russian-language publications read by Muslims in and beyond the Russian Empire -- in Baku, Kazan, Tiflis, Tabriz, Tashkent, and Yerevan. Consider Jalil Mammadguluzade's comic newspaper Molla Nasreddin; as H. B. Paksoy documents, "the journal Molla Nasreddin was published in Tbilisi, Tabriz, and Baku, in that order, 1906-1920" (1988: 164). A territorialized, language-based concept of Azerbaijan suppresses two factors compromising an ideal linguistic community's integrity: that three-quarters of Azerbaijani speakers are located over the southern border in Iran, and that northern Azerbaijan's literature also developed in Armenian, Farsi, Georgian, Greek, and Russian. This paper traces disjunctures of modern political communities, conjuring up a de-territorialised Azerbaijan, and addresses literary expression as the basis for extra-territorial and extra-linguistic national identity.
University of Wisconsin-Madison; pcblochwisc.edu
Market mechanisms for allocating land and water are now functional in the Kyrgyz Republic, but little is known about whether they are leading to increases in the efficiency of resource use and improved standards of living. This paper uses recent farm-level production and cost data to test the hypothesis that these markets only partially reflect real scarcity values. The first section asks whether rental markets, including the new role of local government in leasing out the Land Redistribution Fund, are leading to a more efficient use of agricultural land. It compares existing rental arrangements with estimates of the scarcity values of land for different categories of producers. Similar issues in the efficiency of new market mechanisms exist for water. The second part investigates the ability to pay for water and irrigation services based on farm production data and water delivery norms. Based on these results, the third section discusses institutional factors and market imperfections which may be preventing markets for land and water from operating optimally. By linking farm level production with land rental and water use indicators, the paper strengthens the empirical basis for understanding land and water market development, and provides a framework for evaluation of future policy measures.
University of Manchester; a.bohriname.com
The relocation of Central Asia from the periphery to the center of the United States' strategic interest at the end of 2001 fundamentally altered the region's geopolitical landscape, giving Central Asian leaders greater room to choose between and maneuver within regional cooperation structures. In part owing to Uzbekistan's propensity to use strong-arm tactics, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan have favored regional initiatives in which external actors play the leadership role, while Uzbekistan has displayed a preference for regional groupings with an exclusive Central Asian membership as a supplement to bilateral cooperation with the United States. Turkmenistan, in keeping with its proclaimed goal of permanent neutrality, has remained aloof from virtually all regional cooperation structures. Behind the rhetoric of regional cooperation, effective regional action in Central Asia has been beset by a number of practical and political constraints. While scholarly attention has tended to focus on such impediments as intra-regional rivalry and a lack of economic complementarity, the paper argues that the Central Asian states provide a key illustration of a region where the development of successful cooperation has been subverted by the presence of illiberal regimes whose chief priority has been the consolidation and maintenance of power. This paper is based largely on published material from the Central Asian states and Russia, and Western theoretical literature on regionalism and regional cooperation.
Yerevan State University; vaheboyajianirex.am
This paper discusses the most prominent Sufi orders (Qadiriyya, Naqshbandiyya, Suhravardiyya, etc.) in Iranian Baluchistan, their historical background and development tendencies among the Baluch. The existence and functioning of the brotherhoods in this region and also in bordering areas have a long history and even goes back to the era of the foundation of those orders. This paper shows the involvement of the Baluches in the circles of the brotherhoods. Baluches formally are followers of the Hanafi mazhab of Sunni Islam, but at the same time they show no particular interest in religious practices. Yet suddenly they appear as devoted Sufis. A further investigation proves the fact, that being a follower of a Sufi order is, first of all, prestigious in a semi-nomadic Baluchi society and second, a means of legitimization and preservation of influence and power. In such cases the relevance of certain religious genealogies is of utmost importance, the possession of which is the sole privilege of the Baluchi sardars and the hakomzat elite in general. The arguments are based on the materials of fieldwork in Baluchi inhabited areas in Iran and Pakistan carried out in February-May, 2000.
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem; chenbmscc.huji.ac.il
This work will discuss the penetration of Islam to the North- West Caucasus, based on Anthropological field work held in the Congresses of the "International Circassian Association". In particular, it will examine the relations between the newly created Circassian Ethno-Nationalism and the process of "re-islamization" of the Circassians (Adyghe). The 19th century struggle with Russia enhanced the process of Islamization. Still, evidences shows that during the mass immigration to the Ottoman Empire, a majority of the Circassians did not take on basic Islamic laws. Diaspora Circassians kept their ethnic boundaries, but also went through a process of Islamization. Meanwhile, in the Caucasus, Soviet influence erased almost all signs of Islam except burial practices. The years 1991-2000 marked a big change. Mosques and Madrasas were built, introducing Islam to people who knew little about its principles. This can be seen as a second wave of "Islamization". This paper will examine the role of Diaspora Circassians in this process, arguing that their experience in the Middle East turns them both into agents of Islamization and of Ethno-nationalism. This mode of re-islamization influences the overall characteristics of the newly acquired Islamic identity: usually a moderate religion accompanies a Circassian Cultural and Ethno- National identity.
University of Massachusetts-Amherst; broadbridgehistory.umass.edu
This paper investigates the use of anachronistic ideology to justify war in the late fourteenth century. It focuses on the military, ideological and diplomatic exchanges between Timur on the one hand and the Mamluk sultans of Egypt and Syria on the other. Following current theories, the paper argues that in the fourteenth century the Middle East and Central Asia were characterized by considerable ideological fragmentation after Chinggis Khan's descendants lost political and military supremacy. Although the Mongol model of rule was still dominant, the actual weakness of Mongol rulers opened the door to new ideas about kingship. The argument is presented that the Mamluk sultans represented one of the only ruling elites to remain consistently independent of Mongol political and ideological domination. As is well known, when Timur led his military campaigns into the Middle East, he used a deliberately anachronistic invocation of the legacy of Chinggis Khan to justify his territorial expansion. The paper presents the idea that the Mamluks similarly revived their own outdated, anti-Mongol ideology to spearhead regional military and ideological resistance to Timur. This paper is based on fourteenth century Arabic and Persian chronicles and diplomatic letters.
Colby College; ajbrowncolby.edu
In 1989 there were nearly a million ethnic Germans in Kazakhstan, most of whose ancestors had left Central Europe over two hundred years before. Fourteen years later less than a third of them remain. The majority took advantage of the closing moments of Germany's ethnically based citizenship regime and returned to a strange homeland. As a cultural anthropologist the author does not treat migration as a simple matter of departure and arrival, but examines the enduring relationship between these German migrants and the communities that they left behind in Central Asia. As economic stabilization takes hold in Kazakhstan, these émigrés -- marginalized upon both endpoints of their trajectories -- may become more motivated to make use of their liminal position. Given the relative geographical isolation of Kazakhstan, this would have a significant impact upon the ways in which goods, capital, people, culture and information will flow into and out of the region. In turn, the revitalization of diasporic communities in the former USSR, combined with the economic and political weight of a newly assertive Germany, could make it a significant player in Central Asia. This paper will present preliminary findings from my own recent research conducted among the residual German population in Kazakhstan.
Institute of Federalism, Fribourg; pascal.bulliardunifr.ch
This paper focuses on the role of Switzerland in the transition policy of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan. A special focus is given to the creation and the role of the so-called "Helvetistan Group" (Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, Poland and the former Yugoslavia) within the IMF and the World Bank. It argues that Switzerland obtained a stronger position than expected within these institutions. But slowly the Central Asian and Caucasus countries gained in power within and outside the group as well. It shows the importance of the work within the group within each country in the various fields of transition: economic, political and social issues. It also shows the evolution of (power) relations within the group and the change in the Swiss perspective of its role. This paper is based primarily on various interviews with the main persons involved in each country and on different study tours on the ground. A secondary source is the literature concerning each country specifically regarding public aid and the role of donors in the region.
Cimera US / Columbia University; dsb33columbia.edu
This paper compares empirically popular conceptions of citizenship held by university students across the three national contexts of Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. The researchers conducted a survey to assess the perceptions and attitudes of the respondents toward the current social and political environment in their respective countries, and how they think their societies should be organized and structured. The results reveal a striking contrast between the support of democracy as a normative framework with the justification, at the same time, on the policy level of the exclusion of religious, and, to a lesser degree, ethnic minorities from retaining full membership in society. The paper argues that the concept of citizenship in the post-Soviet context is part of a democratic discourse, asserting the desire of the younger generation for more individual freedoms and rights. Yet, it is at the same time also used as an instrument of social closure, denying certain groups the legitimacy of being part of newly formed national communities. This paper is based on the results of research conducted by CIMERA and the University of Geneva, Chair of Social Psychology in Switzerland in collaboration with research teams in the three South Caucasian countries, funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation.
University of Leeds; a-burtonrapidial.co.uk
The Jews of Samarqand belong to a group known as Bukharan Jews and defined by its "Judeo-Tajik language" (a mixture of Hebrew and Tajik). They do not appear to have been studied separately and little is known for certain about their long history. They may have arrived in the area during the Babylonian captivity (late sixth century BC) and after the fall of the Temple in Jerusalem (late first century AD). They are known to have been there in the eleventh and twelfth centuries and to have been expelled and to have returned periodically after that. Then, in 1843 a community was officially established which survived until the end of the twentieth century. This paper is concerned with the history of this community, its synagogues, its houses, its relations with Russians and Muslims, and above all, its occupations. By using manuscript sources from the heads of the community, official records and oral accounts, the paper reveals a community constantly on the move, at least between 1904 and 1926. This community was not restricted either to silk dyeing and petty trading, or hairdressing and shoe repair, as is widely held to be the case.
Harvard University; buyandelmuohio.edu
Following the collapse of socialism in Mongolia in 1990, Buriat shamanic practices have been proliferating with a great intensity. This paper is based on eighteen (1998-2000) months of ethnographic research among Buriats of Mongolia and on library research on Buriat history written by Russian, Mongol, and Buriat scholars since the 19th century. The paper argues that one of the multiple meanings of Buriat shamanic practices is a construction of nationalism -- as an imagined community that articulates a collective identity. Shamans foster nationalism by bringing together the spirits of lost land, Buriat people, and the Celestial Court in one communal ritual. Research shows that such practice of nationalism was developed historically as a form of Buriat resistance to colonialism and displacement. The paper illustrates how the present condition of ongoing crisis and political instability in the context of a failed state led to its resurgence. The paper speaks to a larger body of literature on the topical issues of state and nationalism, methodological questions in studying societies going through drastic changes, and the proliferation of inspirational practices throughout the world in the context of post-colonialism, post-socialism, and the arrival of neo-liberal capitalism.
Columbia University, Harriman Institute; ivm1columbia.edu
(see Program for information about co-authors)
Since 1995, the urban areas of the Ukraine have become the epicenter of the HIV infection, with the highest rate of increase in HIV incidence in the world. This study 1) examines the social and economic risk factors in the Ukraine and Central Asia which precipitated the increase of HIV, 2) discusses how the change in mode of HIV transmission will affect population age structure and economic viability, and 3) argues that the crisis of HIV in Ukraine is related to new routes for the transmission of drugs from Central Asia. Results are derived from prevalence rates of HIV/AIDS which are associated to risk factors in sentinel surveys conducted once each year in 2000 and 2001. The social factors for HIV transmission were linked with the following: unemployment, sexual trafficking, precarious cultural position of women, lack of education and of the ability of women to protect themselves, homelessness, alcohol and drug abuse, changing sexual mores among urban adolescents, migration to urban areas, and growing regional economic inequality following social disorganization. Sustaining economic development and population health in this region will require proactive HIV policies for adolescents and women, to dam the "bridge" for HIV transmission from traditional risk groups into wider society.
Washington University; canfrobtartsci.wustl.edu
From late fall, 1966, to summer, 1968, field work was done in the Bamian valley (Afghanistan) and its environs. A number of statements by local people were collected as part of that research. This paper is an effort to make these available to other scholars in rather direct form, as they provide clues to the nature of social life and affairs at that time as well as in previous decades.
Boston University, School of Public Health; ccashinbu.edu
Large volumes of health sector data were routinely collected during the Soviet period, but the data were typically used only to generate aggregate statistics, and to ensure that normatives and targets were being met. Data were not fed back to policymakers and providers, and data analysis was not integrated into the health management process. In 2001 the Regional Health Department of the Karaganda Region of Kazakhstan implemented a monitoring system to track the performance of the region's primary health care sector. The goal of the monitoring system was to extract a subset of routinely collected statistics, and create indicators that could provide health policymakers and providers with timely information for improving the delivery of primary health care services. The monitoring system was established through a participatory approach, and has been widely accepted by providers and policymakers. This paper argues that the existence of the monitoring system, and the participatory approach to analyzing and interpreting the data have had an impact on provider performance independent of additional resources, training, or incentives in the system. In addition, the availability of objective, high-quality health sector information has allowed the health sector leaders of Karaganda to advocate for continuing their primary health care policy reforms in the midst of an unstable national health policy environment in Kazakhstan.
Istanbul Technical University; cetinsayagitu.edu.tr
This paper considers the focus on Caucasia in the influential Ottoman newspaper, the Basiret, during the Great Eastern Crisis of 1875-1878. Known as the pioneer of Pan-Islamic ideas in the Ottoman political life, the Basiret (1869-1878) included a variety of news, comments and letters about Caucasia. This coverage encouraged the idea that Caucasian Muslims (Abhazians, Chechens, Daghestani, etc.) were suffering under Russian rule; and that in the event of a war between Russia and the Ottoman State, these peoples should rise against the Russians in support of the Ottoman army. It argues that this coverage of the Basiret, along with other publications, influenced the Ottoman government's policy towards Caucasia during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878. The Ottoman government appears to have sent troops to Caucasia with the expectation of an uprising against the Russian army. This paper is based on Ottoman archival and printed material, including the Basiret collection.
Confederation of Indian Industry and Jawaharlal Nehru University,
New Delhi; saireechahalhotmail.com
The paper focuses on relations between India and Central Asia and the key issues that need to be addressed to boost two-way trade and development. The used definition of Central Asia includes Central Asia as we define it in the 21st century and the historical connotation of the region, since the times of Babur, the Mughal emperor. These ties have been notable throughout history but have failed to achieve any crucial impact on the development of Central Asia and on the foreign trade of India. The contemporary relationship between India and Central Asia has received impetus from both sides but has again failed to translate into a wining proposition for any. The paper argues that contemporary initiatives undertaken by India with regard to Central Asia should include development in Central Asia as a prime concern. It should also view revival of Silk Route as a key factor in boosting two-way trade. Unless that is done, the relationship between India and Central Asia might once again prove to be futile. This paper is based on historical facts, published works and current Indian policy briefs at various levels -- government, academia and media.
Oriental Institute, Academy of Sciences, Prague; chaloupkorient.cas.cz
The monastery in Khalkha Mongolia, built during the 1728-1736 with financial support of Manchu emperor in memory of Undur-gegen, first Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu, has been preserved during last 300 years. In the 19th century this complex was composed of 50 buildings + 6 units. The total number of permanent resident monks reached more than 2000 monks. During the summer Buddhist holidays their number increased to 6000 monks. In 10 Buddhist facilities the Mongolian monks were trained in 5 small and 5 big sciences and defended the Buddhist philosophy degrees of gavj, agrampa, etc. The Buddhist holidays dedicated to celebrating the Buddha of the next world age were known at the Amarbayasgalant monastery. These include: Maitreya -- the Mongolian mystery of masks; and Tsam -- the propitiation of fierce deities. During the socialist period of Mongolia in 1937-1938 the Amarbayasgalant monastery was closed, its monks were arrested, put into jail and annihilated, the buildings were damaged, and the books were destroyed and burnt. After 1990 the restoration works with the help of foreign workers began mostly in summer time. A number of local enterprises such as an Erdenet carpet factory and others and the Gandan monastery from Ulan-Bator donated money to renew the devastated buildings. Guru-Dawa rinpoche from Nepal donated a lot of money to the restoration of Amarbayasgalant monastery.
UNDP Kazakhstan, Astana; lyubov.chapurinaundp.org
This paper focuses on the development of the newly established Legislatures in four countries of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan) from 1991 through 2001. Political, economic and social transformations have occurred in the countries of Central Asia as they moved towards democracy and market economy after independence in the beginning of 1990s. All Central Asian countries are characterized in their constitutions by strong Presidency and by concentration of powers in Executive branch. Many critiques are given in mass media and in publications about the insignificant role of the Parliaments in Central Asia. In contrast to this, the paper argues that the parliaments of Central Asia have made significant progress in strengthening their institutional capacities as independent and representative bodies. The paper is based on literatures, UNDP SURF publications and archival materials from Parliamentary Library in Kazakhstan.
Independent Scholar (Montreal); amynahhotmail.com
This paper examines the experiences of one Canadian teacher/educator in an elite school in the Badakhshan Region of Tajikistan. Quantitative research, conducted in the form of interviews, discussions and observations over a period of approximately 3 years, reveal the issues surrounding the involvement of non-local (or international) organizations in the project of teacher education and curriculum reform in the region. Inequity between local and expatriate staff, lack of long-term planning and unrealistic expectations of teachers receiving in-service training are contributing factors to the ongoing challenges for in-service teacher education and curriculum development. This same research also celebrates the commitment of these educators to their own professional development in the midst of considerable social and economic hardships. Included are also broad considerations/recommendations for future projects.
Columbia University, Teachers College; tamoghnaatt.net
(see Program for information about co-authors)
The current collaborative paper examines the challenges to educational access for economically disadvantaged children and adolescents in Central Asia, with a particular focus on Mongolia. Using a comparative framework, the paper analyzes the critical issues underlying the challenges of educational access and the dilemmas of policy response. One of important demographic impacts of economic transitions in Mongolia has been a significant movement of economically disadvantaged families from rural areas to urban centers across the country. In the first part of the paper, the study explores the effects of such family migratory pressures on children's educational participation in peri-urban Mongolia. The section concludes with specific intervention experiences and recommended policy options. In the second part, the analysis of the Mongolian situation is presented within a broader framework of social exclusion and changing education policy across post-communist Central Asia over the past decade. Specifically, the paper highlights the issues of urban child labor, trafficking of adolescent girls, and seasonal farm child labor in rural areas using qualitative and quantitative data. The purpose of the analysis is to inform the policy discourse on education with a critical review of underlying barriers to educational participation of economically disadvantaged children in the region.
University of Bristol; yuehtsenyahoo.com
The current "Develop the West" campaign was launched by Chinese government in 1999, embraced by regional governments, and pursued by Hong Kong tycoons who see the campaigns as a gold mine. Without simultaneously implanting comprehensive environmental protection measures and monitoring plans, Gansu and other western regions are experiencing environmental degradations similar to those experienced in other developed and developing countries. More problematically, the local drive to rapidly catch up with the eastern seaboard has led local governments to entice more investment by compromising critical environmental standards to heavy polluting industries that have become obsolete in developed regions and countries. This paper aims to present a balanced view between the concerns of environmental protection held by the central governmental bureaus and the global demand of environmental conservation, and local interest of economic development with respect to the issue of population quality along the Silk Road. The twofold objectives of this study are to construct the subaltern women's right to history and to encompass different perspectives of non-synchronic paces of global development and increasing cleavages between national and ethnic revivalism, urban and rural, coastal and hinterland, and center and periphery.
University of Notre Dame; kcollinsnd.edu
Two views have dominated academic and policy-making discussion about the role of Islam in the post-Soviet states of Central Asia. One argued that Islam would rise to fill the void of communism, and lead to various forms of radicalism and fundamentalism in this region. The second argued that Islam had been largely disabled, discredited and relegated to the cultural realm by Soviet policies. By the mid-1990s, the failure of Islamic movements to emerge or gain widespread support seemed to suggest support for the latter view. This paper looks at the case of Hizb ut-Tahrir, and examines the causes of its growing popularity in the past five years. Based on in-depth interviews and field research, it argues that Islam is a relevant socio-cultural and socio-political identity, and that radical Islamic movements such as HT can take root in Central Asia. Their form and means of mobilization, however, are key to their ability to garner a social following.
University of Oregon; h_colteryahoo.com
New York City's Bukharan Jewish Community, which numbers over 40,000 and dates from the early 1980s, has settled primarily in the borough of Queens. Bukharan Jews have a rich and unique culture that they attempt to preserve as a diasporic community. They are a tightly knit group, organizing themselves by neighborhoods, synagogues, cultural clubs, and music ensembles. This paper will explore how the Bukharan Jews identify as a diasporic community, and whether and why they identify with other Russian, Jewish or Uzbek communities in New York. It will examine the history of the Bukharan Jews in Uzbekistan and how they related to and were perceived by other ethnic groups in Uzbekistan, especially Uzbeks and ethnic Russians. It will examine if and how they maintain cultural and political connections with present day Uzbekistan, and how they feel about Uzbekistani independence from the former USSR. It will explore the role of memory and nostalgia in perpetuating a contemporary cultural identity and look at aspects of their culture that have thrived and declined in New York. It will examine these questions on a multi-generational level, paying close attention to the attitudes of the younger generations toward an imagined homeland that many of them have never seen. Ethnographic fieldwork will take place during June-September 2003.
Occidental College; richmondoxy.edu
The leaders of the official Russian muftiats are attempting to chart a course for Islam as an integral part of the culture of the Russian Federation. In so doing, they are, in effect, creating a new interpretation of Islam that is in concordance with the aspirations of the centrist politicians and that would impede the efforts of both religious and secular separatism in the Islamic regions of the Russian Federation. This effort faces numerous obstacles. Such obstacles include lack of official sponsorship, failure of the muftis to gain broad support, direct opposition by Islamic separatist movements, ethnically based Islamic muftiats in the Russian Federation, and influence from Middle Eastern religious schools. This paper will analyze the rationale of this attempt from the perspective of Islamic law, and the prospects for its success. Specifically, the paper will argue that the muftis are attempting to re-interpret Islam in order to fulfill perceived political needs, and will ultimately fail. Material will be drawn from publications on the issue, including R. G. Abdulatipov's study Sud'by Islama v Rossii, the writings of Dagestani Mullah Surakat Asiyatilov, and interviews to be conducted in Russia during May-June 2003.
Vrije Universiteit Brussel; bruno.coppietersvub.ac.be
A normative analysis of the Second Chechen War (1996-) has to be based on the ethics of war and on the ethics of secession. In analyzing the justice of this war, the paper is using just war theory, which makes a distinction between a set of "jus ad bellum" and a set of "jus in bello" principles. The paper analyses to which extent the non-respect of the jus in bello principles of "proportionality" and "discrimination" by the warring parties affects Chechnya's right to secession. It first analyses the various arguments that have been put forward in the political discussion on Russia's intervention in 1996, including the arguments on Chechnya's moral right to secession. It then sees to what extent the non-respect of the laws of war by the warring parties is affecting this right. In the final part of this paper, various proposals for a peace settlement for Chechnya will be assessed from this normative perspective.
Centre d'Observation Economique / Paris Chamber of Commerce and
Industry; tcovilleccip.fr
This paper is based on the fact that Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan have based their development on the exploitation of oil (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan) and gas (Turkmenistan). The size of the receipts due to the exploitation of these natural resources means these economies are already rent-seeking economies. By using the different theoretical models which are adapted to this problem, one can show these three economies have numerous deficiencies due to the size of these oil or gas rents. This situation is then of foremost interest, as these deficiencies will grow as the production of oil or gas develops. This paper also points to the fact that the usual methods proposed to manage these rents (like the Stabilization Fund) are not satisfactory and that structural reforms required to decrease the oil or gas dependency are much more complex than the usual liberalization policies.
Columbia University; cathydavidaol.com
This paper deals with late Ottoman social and demographic change for the period 1860-1876. During this period the massive influx of emigrants from the Caucasus and the Crimea brought about a permanent, but little understood, transformation in the Ottoman Anatolian and Rumelian provinces. While scholars differ on the exact number of refugees thrust upon the Ottomans through a series of Russian expulsions, the generally accepted range of numbers of immigrants is from 1.5 to 4 million, or something on the order of 15 to 35% of the Muslim population of those provinces. While much of this has disappeared from the historical consciousness of modern Turks due, in large part, to Ataturk's program of an historical and cultural break from the Ottoman past, this wave of immigrants altered the demographic balance in the regions they were settled in. They became the human raw material in the reformulation of the late Ottoman peasantry as well as agents of economic and military change. Using records of the Ottoman Emigrant Commission, this paper will show how this process was brought about, with a particular focus on the Ottoman efforts to socialize the new arrivals, as witnessed through the lens of issues such as religion, slavery, and class structure.
National Museum of Ethnology, Osaka; dadabaevidc.minpaku.ac.jp
This paper focuses on the inter-state cooperation in water issues in Central Asia. It argues that there is an urgent need for a mechanism of coordinated water distribution among the Central Asian states. More than half of the territory of modern Central Asian region consists of deserts, semi-deserts, and arid steppes. In addition, Central Asia's water resources are unevenly distributed. Four-fifths of this water network is located in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, which have a small land area, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, which occupy approximately three-fourths of the region's land area and most of its arable land, have only one-fifth of the water. Moreover, with the changing international political situation, and expected stabilization in Afghanistan, it would potentially divert 6 to 15 billion cubic meters from the Amu Darya River annually. Obviously, the water distribution remains a sensitive political issue, pregnant with conflict. Thus, this paper firstly aims to describe, in detail, the existing arrangements, institutions and agreements on water distribution in the region. Secondly, it suggests the weaknesses of present institutional frameworks that prevent the resolution of the water distribution issue in the region. And finally, it makes an effort to suggest what can be done to further develop inter-state cooperation in this field.
Middle East Technical University, Ankara; dalkesenhotmail.com
During the 15th and 16th there were two kinds of Islam: Orthodox Islam that was represented by the ruling and urban elite, and heterodox Islam that was represented by the rural people, especially nomads. At the beginning this duality didn't cause any social or political problem. But the Ottoman's centralization policies, which aimed at bringing nomads under strict state control, caused many problems. At these times, leaders of the Safavid Tarikhat in Erdebil took religious propaganda among the Anatolian nomads. This propaganda carried many Shia motifs like Karbala, the massacre of Hassan and Hüssain, which were absent in the beliefs of Anatolian heterodox Islam. Its aim was to incite the people against the Ottoman authority and to gather warriors for their political purposes. Moreover, Saikh Junaid and Haydar made alliances with the leaders of these tribes. Many rebellions occurred in Anatolia and many Turkomans migrated to Iran, where they founded the new Safavid State with Shah Ismail. As a result of the centralization policies of the Safavid state, these nomads faced similar problems with the Safavid leaders after the death of Ismail. This paper will try to compare these two dynasties' relations with the nomads. Ottoman Empire took serious measures against the Turkomans (nomads) and this caused serious problems between the Turkomans and Ottoman Empire. At the end, rebellions and wars between these two powers ended but the religious and social structure of Anatolia changed and people divided as Alawi/Qizilbash and Sunnite. This duality has been in existence ever since.
Mongolian University of Science and Technology, School of Humanitarian
Science, Ulaanbaatar; dnaran608yahoo.com
Buddhism was chosen as a main religion in Mongolia in the 16th century and developed extensively after that. However, the repressive policy towards religion, which entailed massacres of lamas and destruction of Buddhist institutions in the late-1930s, suppressed the religious beliefs of Mongols. Remarkable changes in Mongol religious behavior and beliefs have occurred with the democratic and political changes since the 1990s: many people are now practicing Christianity and other religions hitherto marginally represented in Mongolia. All these changes raise the question of how religious beliefs of the Mongols have changed along with the policies and measures of the state toward religion during the communist and transition period. Using an oral history method 20 people who were born before 1930 were interviewed, along with their middle aged children, who grew up and were shaped by the socialist regime. Their grandchildren were also included. In contrast to the researcher's hypothesis, the majority of old people claim that they are non-religious while their children regard themselves as religious. The question is whether ideas and beliefs can change culture and society, or whether, instead, our cultural and social experience determines the content of our beliefs, beliefs "dictated" mainly by political changes of the country.
Utrecht University; frederick.dejonglet.uu.nl
The paper focuses on a category of lithographed compositions published in Kazan in the late 19th and early 20th centuries known as shamayil. These compositions were designed by local artists and were printed in Kazan in commercial and in sponsored editions. They contain figurative elements and calligraphy in Tatar, Arabic, Persian, Ottoman Turkish, and Chaghatay. Their contents often seek to impart Islamic knowledge concerning a variety of themes, such as the history of the construction of the Ka'aba, the names of the months of the Islamic calendar, the ashab-i kahf, the mi'raj, the names of the Prophet, his genealogy, and the apotropaic properties of certain verses in the Qur'an. The presentation will briefly survey themes and texts in Kazan shamayil. It will demonstrate that the shamayil constitute a valuable, yet unexplored, source for our knowledge of Islam in the late 19th and early 20th century Middle Volga region. In addition, it will be argued that the shamayil constitute a form of Islamic art. The paper is based on collections of shamayil held in public and private collections in Russia and in Western Europe.
Cimera CH, Geneva; luigi.demartinocimera.org
This paper presents findings from the CIMERA project on regionalism, funded by the Swiss Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The project's goal was to offer a group of top- and mid-level Tajik officials, parliament members, and civil society representatives engaged in the formation of the country's internal national policy the opportunity to discuss, in depth, the questions related to the relationship between the central government and the regions. The aim was to produce ideas in these forums for establishing greater inclusion and a better balance among these entities. This question is at the heart of the process of nation building for Tajikistan and is considered one of the most critical issues that remain unresolved after the 1997 Peace Agreement. Now, at the end of the 12-month implementation phase, it argues that as a result of the nature of power and decision-making in Tajikistan, efforts supported by international organizations aimed at modifying the relations between the center, the regions, and the lower levels of government will continue to encounter strong resistance from the central authorities. According to our data, the only administrative level where significant progress was made in the areas of governance and participation was at the sub-district (jamoat) level.
European University Institute, Florence; chiara.desantiiue.it
This paper focuses on the "terror" in Central Asia which followed the khudzum of 1927, the cultural revolution that was notable mainly for the campaign to unveil Moslem women. The terror took two forms: first, the attacks on and murders of unveiled women by the populace; secondly, the purge from the ranks of the Communist Party of those SUCP activists who failed to support the Bolshevik line. The paper argues that the involvement of the Central Asian Communist Party in the counter cultural revolution -- a revolution that promoted crimes against women and sought to uphold Muslim traditions -- was one of the main reasons for the failure of the Zhenotdel in Central Asia. It also postulates that it was this failure that contributed to the dissolution of this body in 1930. The failure of the khudzum in Uzbekistan can be seen to have been shaped by intimidation and by the actual murders of women, rather than, as some scholars claim, a genuine desire to defend the sense of national identity represented by the veil (Uzbek case). The paper is based on published and archival materials, found mainly in the Central Asian file (Sredazbiuro Fond) at RGASPI (Moscow).
University of Wisconsin-Madison; kerimdemirciyahoo.com
This presentation examines Kazakh descriptive verbs in terms of aspect, grammaticalisation and other relevant theories. This paper argues that similar to the Russian suffixes/infixes na-, vy-, pa-, -yv- and Chinese verbal suffixes -le and -zhe, the Kazakh language also has a structure marking the aspectual opposition. In Kazakh, aspectual opposition is indicated by two grammatical entities: 1) present (-a/-e/-y) or past (-p) adverbials, and 2) a conjugated descriptive verb. These two units are preceded by the main verb of a Kazakh sentence denoting various meanings and carrying out different functions. It suggests that some of the verbs with a certain kind of adverbial indicate imperfective aspect such as otamp;#305;r-, tur-, catamp;#305;r- cür-, -A ber-, -p kel-, -p bar-, some represent perfective aspect such as -p qal-, -p qoy-, -p ciber-,-p amp;#351;amp;#305;q-,-p ket-,-p sal-,-p tüs- and -p tasta-. It will also demonstrate that, although -A al- has the same structure, it has solely a modal usage; that is, it is grammaticalized. Structures such as -p ber- that denote an action done for someone's benefit, and that do not fall under the category of aspect and modalization will also be examined in this presentation.
University of Leeds; ipimjdleeds.ac.uk
The paper examines the cult of personality created by President Saparmurat Niyazov in Turkmenistan, and specifically scrutinizes and evaluates the significance of symbols, texts, architecture, ritual and the invocation of "invented tradition," as mechanisms for enforcing compliance and, possibly, resistance. The paper draws upon the research of James C. Scott and Lisa Wedeen on semiological techniques of political domination, combined with analysis of official texts and images and covert interviews conducted in Turkmenistan. The central argument confirms the "disciplinary-symbolic" (Wedeen) function of the cult in which belief in the often patently absurd claims made on behalf of Niyazov is secondary to the compliance that they engender. The act of obedience is thus created from the observation of mass compliance to the irrational as much as by the direct or implied threat of coercion. The paper is structured so as to: present examples of the "public transcripts" (Scott) that reproduce submission; examine responses thereto; consider the implications of instituting a leader cult for the purpose of nation-state building in a hitherto inchoate national space; assess whether the creation of a cult in a contemporary political environment engenders an increased risk of the subversive critique of power and disguised resistance through satire or indifference.
University of Miami; khatchikdhotmail.com
War and state formation has received considerable attention in comparative politics and international studies. Charles Tilly, Barrington Moore, Brian Downing, Thomas Ertman and others have pioneered the field. Theda Skocpol, Peter Evans, David Held have further expanded it. Mohamad Ayoob has applied these theoretical perspectives to the Third World states, whereas Miguel Centeno and Fernando Lopez-Alves, among others, have focused on Latin America. The state in the Caucasus received some attention during the 1990s, yet too much attention has been given to the process of transition to democracy and market economy, and ethnic-national conflicts. In the mirror of theories of state formation the Caucasus is a gap in comparative politics, international relations and Eurasian studies. This paper is an attempt to formulate a research agenda revealing the particularities of the process in the republics of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. The working hypothesis emphasizes the simultaneous trends of war and globalization that shaped the path of the emerging states. The conclusion offers further reflections about institutional stability, state-society relations, and the perspective of regional cooperation.
Freie Universität Berlin (Free University of Berlin); christian.dettmeringgrude.de
Modern historians as well as the Russian military command of the 19th Century consider the Sufi Islam in the Northeast Caucasus as a main political force for independence. The Naqshbandiyya-Khalidiyya Order propagated Islam and the Shari'a as the backbone of the struggle for freedom. The initially peaceful Qadiriyya Order, which became popular after Shamil's capture, soon turned against Russians and so insurgences in Chechnya continued to have a decidedly Islamic background. In spite of a Russian containment policy the Ingushes converted to Islam in the 18th and 19th centuries. But the increasing popularity of the Qadiriyya order among Ingushes did not cause significant further deterioration of the tense coexistence of Russians and Ingushes. Thus the automatism of intense Sufi activities and resistance to the Czar in the 19th century North Caucasus should be called into question. Closer ties between Ingushes and Russians, the lack of the bitter war experience, the protection the Russians provided against the Chechens and the absence of the anti-colonial Naqshbandiyya order prevented the Sufi Islam in Ingushetia from becoming as political as in Chechnya. This paper is based on published Russian sources, including reports on religion in the Terskii sbornik and SSKG, as well as documents from the RGVIA.
Association of Applied Linguistics of St. Petersburg; milasolaris.ru
This presentation focuses on the tendencies characteristic of a country with a transitional type of economy, from 1994 to 2003. Some analysts speak about the "casual economic vivisection of society's intellectual potential." Scientists and scholars with established careers quit in order to take up less stimulating but better paid work in business or the state bureaucracy, or to emigrate. The loss is felt especially keenly since it is usually people of outstanding promise, young, enterprising and ambitious. A large section of intelligentsia has been thrown into pauperism. Other surveys write about the bright side. This paper will present facts and figures that describe the existing challenges: the lack of good information resources, the new Anglo-American structure of higher education, the positive role of the "invisible employer", the tendency to have two higher education systems, the development of a privately owned sector, the trend among the youth to get education overseas in order to come back and implement it at home. The panel is based on the materials published both in the USA and Russia by US and Russian citizens, supplied by the Information Department of the External Affairs Committee of the Government of St. Petersburg, Russian Ministry of Education, UNESCO Roundtable, US Embassy in Moscow, American Councils for International Education.
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Prague; dinetrferl.org
This paper focuses on the dreadful condition of press freedom in the newly independent nations of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and on the prospects for improving this deplorable state of affairs. The death of the Soviet Union was for most of us a time of great hope. We thought that these republics, freed from the shackles of communist tyranny, would trace disparate but inspiring paths as they fleshed out their identities as sovereign nations. Instead, they have all been disappointments: not one of them is a democracy, not one of them is prospering economically, and not one of them has a free press. This paper, will first survey the level of press freedom among the former Soviet Republics in the Caucasus and Central Asia, paying particular attention to RFE/RL's telling experiences in the region. Next, it will explain why this region is so important, and why its fate should matter to people in the West. Finally, it will address the prospects for improvement, particularly in light of the nascent military ties between the United States and several authoritarian regimes in the region.
Indiana University; dondineshotmail.com
Perhaps one of the least investigated aspects of the 1916 Turkestan revolt is the impact nomadic resistance to the tsarist government's labor mobilization call that July had on relations between Russian pioneers and Turkmen nomads in the Gorgan steppe of northern Iran. Following ratification of the 1907 Anglo-Russian convention, Russian migrants began establishing settlements in Turkmen, as well as non-Turkmen, lands. These were in Iran's northern province of Astarabad, and lay in the Gorgan steppe area. When Russian forces moved against Yomut rebels in Russia's Transcaspian province during the 1916 revolt, thousands of Yomuts fled to northern Iran. There they joined forces with local Goklan Turkmens in attacking Russian settlements and pioneers in this area. The destruction of numerous settlements and murder of scores of pioneers ultimately resulted in the Russian General Madritov's punitive expedition against the Turkmens. This paper will make use of both primary and secondary sources to examine a number of questions concerning Russian settlement in northern Iran, Turkmen reaction to Russian settlement in the Gorgan steppe, and the impact the 1916 Turkestan revolt had on both Russian pioneers and Turkmen nomads.
St. Petersburg State University for Culture and Art; ghilyanamail.ru
This paper compares the contemporary state of the traditional musical culture of the Russian Kalmyks, with the related Western Mongolian musical culture (Dörbets, Torguts, Zakchins, Altai Urianghais, etc.). It views the historical development of an art tradition. Under the influence of new social conditions, the epic environment and epic bards disappeared by the end of XX century. The tradition of two-voiced vocal-instrumental performing, and overtone-singing ("höömii") has been interrupted in Kalmyk culture (probably because of resettlement to a flat landscape). On the other hand, the instrumental and dance culture of Kalmyks actively developed throughout the 18th and 19th centuries. The essential, and most stable, parts of the tradition are long-songs in which the poetic images of ethnic behavior are reflected. The attributes of Kalmyk musical style are the following: metrically free rhythm (so-called respiratory rhythm), melodic development connected with the word qualitative and tonic stress, specific timbre and tessitura, and micro-melodic techniques. In the Kalmyk singing culture, the archaic tunes were better kept. Folk terminology gives evidence of the importance of long-songs. The long-songs are also named "gol-dun", i.e. the fundamental, core songs. The paper is based on field recordings of the author.
Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow;
distanzamok.net
This paper focuses on the cultural and historical motivations of Russian conquest and presence in Central Asia in 18th and 19th centuries. The Russian Empire, advancing upon its Central Asian boundaries to meet the Qin Empire in Xinjiang in the 19th century, had long been subjected to external impacts, and these influenced the structure of the Russian state system. Following Said, D. Miller, H. Rudley, J. Ruskin and F. Jameson, the paper argues that the imperial rule of Russia in her Central Asian domains was strongly influenced by Russian romantic literature, starting from its "father" Alexander Pushkin, and his close friend Bichurin (Hyacinth), founder of Russian Orientalism, head of the Russian Orthodox Mission in Beijing, and traveler to Chinese Central Asia. In contrast to some contemporary scholars who suggest that Russian social and political structure succeeded that of the Golden Horde, this paper argues that in 18-19th centuries Russia experienced considerable Western influence. By that time that the Oriental Byzantine idea had been superceded by the Slavic one, the latter was interpreted in terms of Western European culture that suggested its own imperial model. The paper is based on published as well as on the unpublished materials from The Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire.
Urban Institute; artdramphotmail.com
This paper focuses on the current status of local self-governance in Armenia and on prospects for future reforms. Since 1991 the government of Armenia has attempted to overcome the legacy of the communist system of rule and has conducted a policy of reform. Among many challenges for this is the devolution of government from the central to local level. The process of decentralization started in the country in 1996. More than 40 laws and decrees now constitute the legal framework for local government (LG) operation. LGs have mandatory, voluntary and delegated functions. The most important responsibilities are maintenance of housing, provision of public utilities, landscaping and site improvement, pre-school education, and maintenance of libraries and museums. This paper argues that the major challenges of decentralization in the country are lack of strong political will and a weak civil society, the low fiscal and institutional capacity of LGs and poor skills among their officials and personnel. However, there are positive prospects for reforming LSG in Armenia. These include Armenia's accession to Council of Europe, and upcoming constitutional and legal reforms. This paper is based on personal observations of the author during his three-year work with Armenian LGs and uses materials published by BearingPoint, Urban Institute, Open Society Institute.
UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) / University of Schumen; ldruke1yahoo.com
The paper focuses on refugee regime, institution and capacity building in Central Eurasia in the last 10 years. It analyses input of international, regional and national efforts and attempts to measure impact. It argues that this region experienced significant development in the legislative and institutional area, although significant challenges remain such as implementation, and setting of best state practice, esp. in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. It found that the EU Accession process based on the Amsterdam Treaty for the common European Asylum System has constituted the motor for developments in the EU Candidate countries in contrast to other countries in Central Eurasia. Some of these latter countries are far behind and face the danger of going one step ahead and two back. This is threatening despite significant efforts through the CIS Conference Process on refugees and migrants. Donors through UNHCR, in cooperation with the OSCE, the Council of Europe and the Intl. Organization for Migration have invested some US$ 100 million in this Process from 1995-2000. This paper is based on published and unpublished material and research from practitioners and researchers at Harvard, MIT, UQAM, Stanford and Universities in Bulgaria.
Creating Hope International; chicreatinghope.org
This paper focuses on the development of interactive, student-centered teacher training programs for Afghan teachers working in refugee camps in Pakistan and in war torn Afghanistan from 1988-2003. Prior to the implementation of this project, most Afghan teachers had little training, used rote memorization techniques and were suspicious of new ideas. By 2003, over 300 Afghan teacher trainers and 20,000 teachers had been trained using this program. Additionally, the long term goal of the project has been realized, that Afghan teacher trainers develop their own materials and train new teacher trainers independently. Research methods included community needs assessment and the integration of teaching methods and practice wisdom. Methods are supported by current literature on community development and progressive education in the United States and were focused on the practical application of this research. Project results indicate that when cultural and religious traditions are taken into account and local trainers are integrally involved in the planning and implementation of teacher training, programs can be developed that revolutionize the way that teachers teach and students learn. For example, an adapted phonetic system for teaching Farsi decreased the amount of time needed to teach children to read from three years to three months.
Ohio State University; duvanova.1osu.edu
The paper analyses four cases of politically motivated imprisonment in post-independence Kazakhstan. The paper argues that emergence of political prisoners have signified a new stage in consolidation of authoritarian regime in Kazakhstan. Although imprisoned on criminal charges, the cases discussed fall into the category of political prisoners defined as those detained for their political, religious or other conscientiously held beliefs. The paper analyzes politically motivated imprisonment as one of the methods of authoritarian crack down on opposition. It also demonstrates that the analysis of personalities prosecuted for their political beliefs or activities reveals changing social dimension of opposition to authoritarianism in Kazakhstan. The study of political prisoners and other types of persecution has some important implications for larger theoretical questions of regime classification. Given institutional, cultural, and historical similarities between Central Asian countries the patterns of persecution and their evolution can serve as an important distinguishing element in our attempts to better conceptualize political processes in Central Asian region. The study of political persecution is a promising venue for comparative analysts trying to make sense of regime dynamics in the Central Asian region.
Princeton University; eastvoldprinceton.edu
This paper begins by discussing a number of competing theoretical perspectives on the nature of ethno-religious identity, making inferences about what else could be observed to be true if each perspective were true. It then tests this list of observable implications against the backdrop of alleged and actual Islamist mobilization in the Ferghana Valley. It then argues for the validity of a modified constructivist understanding of identity and explores the policy implications of such an understanding. Having clarified the theoretical assumptions underlying the policy question, this paper traces the rise of the current wave of Islamist mobilization in its broader historical and geopolitical context and argues that the diversity of motives underlying this movement renders any single corrective measure insufficient. This applies whether the corrective measures are forceful suppression, economic development, or reframing the religious and cultural aspect of the conflict. Rather, it recommends a flexible approach that selectively applies force, religious reframing, and economic incentives to particular subsets of the movement in order to marginalize its leadership while appeasing its support base.
Harvard University; mcelliotumich.edu
Recent scholarship on the Qing state has initiated a rethinking of the nature of the empire created by the Manchu elite and its allies in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, moving significantly away from earlier notions of the Qing as simply a clone of the Chinese Ming dynasty. While much of this work has focused on aspects of Manchu rule that tie it to Inner Asian precedents, comparatively little attention has been paid to the implications of this reconceptualization for Inner Asian history (as opposed to Chinese history) during this period. This paper offers a preliminary consideration of this problem by comparing standard Manchu-Qing narratives describing the incorporation of different Mongol groups into the Qing order with Mongol narratives of the same. Examining the effects of Qing institutions along with a key 1727 incident involving Mongol bannermen, the paper aims to arrive at an appreciation of the role of Qing hegemony in the formation of the modern Mongol nation. It asks what advantage there is to thinking in terms of Mongol subalternity in the Manchu imperial enterprise.
Southern Methodist University; jelverskmail.smu.edu
This paper aims to investigate how the Mongol nation was understood on the eve of the Qing conquest. In particular, it will explore how the Mongol nation, far from being a unified entity, had in fact fragmented into princely states during the late 16th and early 17th century. While this fact is generally known, the elements fostering this fragmentation are less understood. The goal of this paper is, therefore, to elucidate how Altan Khan fostered this breakdown. By focusing on his policies, especially the reconceptualization of genealogy in terms of authority and territorial control, it will be shown how this new formulation shattered the coherency of the Dayan Khanid system. The inevitable result of this transformation was that other Mongol princes followed the same strategy and established their own independent entities. And in turn